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All Things Trump / Articles / Elections / Politics & Policy Trump’s fight to keep non-citizens off voter rolls reignites in second term Part one of President Donald Trump’s battle to keep illegal aliens off voter rolls began near the end of his first term and will likely come hurtling back in the near future. By: The Supreme Court has never made a determination on the legal merits of the argument that noncitizens should not be counted in the United States census, but may soon be forced to do so. The fight to clarify the census and subsequently adjust congressional seats, Electoral College votes and federal funding, is coming down the pike, according to White House deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller. Miller indicated last month that he’s eager to dive straight in and that Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick will help lead the effort. Trump has at his disposal a number of avenues to accomplish his goal, one of which includes Lutnick’s agency. Utilizing this route, the Commerce Department could propose adding a census question to distinguish citizens, legal permanent residents, and unauthorized immigrants, as suggested by a lawsuit filed by Republican-led states and the Department of Commerce in January 2025. The data could then be used to exclude noncitizens from apportionment, though not necessarily from the overall count. Republican support for this approach is growing, with bills introduced by Rep. Chuck Edwards, R-N.C., and Sen. Bill Hagerty, R-Tenn., to mandate a citizenship question and thus exclude noncitizens from apportionment. A GOP-controlled Congress could facilitate approval of such questions, due by 2028. The Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling rejected the citizenship question due to procedural issues, and demanded a stronger justification for having the case reviewed by the Supreme Court before going to the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. Amending the Census Act is an option Furthermore, Trump could work with Congress to pass legislation amending the Census Act to exclude noncitizens from apportionment counts or mandate a citizenship question. Bills like those proposed by Edwards and Hagerty aim to achieve this, but such legislation would need to redefine “persons” in the 14th Amendment’s apportionment clause to exclude noncitizens, a significant departure from historical practice. It could also direct the Census Bureau to use citizen-only data for apportionment. With a Republican-controlled Congress, the winds are now more favorable. Passage is significantly more likely than in 2020, when a similar House bill passed on a party-line vote (206-202) but stalled in the Democratic-controlled Senate. President Donald Trump, on his first day in office, rescinded a Biden-era executive order on January 20, 2025, which had reaffirmed counting all residents regardless of immigration status, signaling intent to revisit this policy. With a GOP-controlled Congress, there may be less political resistance to try again. Additionally, preparations for the 2030 census will begin during Trump’s second term, and federal law requires proposed census questions to be submitted to Congress two years prior, which gives a window to influence the process. Estimates of illegal alien populations vary due to inconsistent methods and tracking, but based on the most reliable and recent data from multiple sources including the Department of Homeland Security, the state with the highest number of illegal aliens is California, with 2.6 million. Texas took the number two spot with 2.06 million, and Florida comes in at third with 560,000. New York (with 540,000)  and New Jersey (with 440,000) rounds off the top five. Despite the influx of illegal aliens to California, it lost a congressional seat due to the number of residents fleeing the state. The Orange County Register reported that California lost 817,669 residents in 2023 for a net outmigration of 341,866 citizens. If that trend continues, according to Thad Kousser, who is an expert in California and national politics and a professor of political science at UC San Diego, California will lose another four seats by 2030, even without census criteria changing. Texas would hypothetically gain three seats and Florida would gain three. Whether noncitizens count for census matters that affect representation In 2020, the Trump administration sought to exclude noncitizens from the U.S. Census count which is used to apportion congressional seats and Electoral College votes, a move that sparked significant controversy. In July of that year, President Donald Trump issued a memorandum directing the Census Bureau to use administrative records to identify and exclude undocumented immigrants from the apportionment count, arguing that including them dilutes the political power of citizens and constitutes voter suppression. The administration argued that the Constitution’s mandate to count “persons” did not explicitly require counting noncitizens for apportionment. This effort faced immediate legal challenges from blue states and cities, many of which were sanctuary jurisdictions, and immigrant advocacy groups, who argued the policy violated the Constitution and would discourage immigrant participation in the census, potentially undercounting communities with large noncitizen populations. The Supreme Court ultimately blocked the Trump administration’s plan in December 2020, ruling that the memorandum was premature and lacked sufficient justification, though it did not address the merits of the Administrations’ argument. Critics, including the American Civil Liberties Union, hailed the decision as a victory for fair representation, while supporters of the policy, including then-Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, argued it was necessary to ensure electoral fairness. Without time for the issue to play out further, the Census Bureau claimed it was constrained by time and logistical challenges, and ultimately included all residents in the 2020 count. 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All Things Trump / Articles / Elections / Politics & Policy Ten years after Trump’s golden escalator announcement, Republicans campaign on transformed agenda Trump’s Republican Party looks wildly different from ten years ago, and Republicans must codify and expand his populist ideas if they want to hold the majority in next year’s midterm election. By: As congressional representatives head home to campaign in their districts this week, the party priorities look very different from those of 2015. Ten years ago, when then-candidate Donald Trump descended the golden escalator at his midtown Manhattan Trump Towers property, it produced a spark that spread American populism fire throughout the Republican Party, a party which at the time was mired by warmongering, false promises of fiscal responsibility and acquiescing to leftist accusations and policy. The official party platform in 2015 remained the party agenda from the previous general election in 2012. The priorities enumerated weren’t that far off from what was listed in the 2024 party platform. But, even four months into his second term, President Donald Trump clearly took his promises seriously and is working to enact what voters sent him to Washington to do. In 2012, the Republican Platform titled “We Believe In America” was 62 pages and was adopted at the Tampa, Florida Republican National Convention. It reflected the personality and politics of then-candidate Mitt Romney. In 2024, the Republican Platform, titled “Make America Great Again,” clocked in at 16 pages, consisting of 20 clear and concise agenda items. Among those items: to seal the border and stop the migrant invasion, to carry out historic deportation operations, to make America affordable again, to make Trump’s tax cuts from 2018 permanent, to strengthen and modernize the military, to keep men out of women’s sports and to keep the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency. Economy The 2012 platform, in many more words, emphasized reducing the federal deficit through spending cuts and supported a balanced budget amendment with a cap on federal spending. It also advocated for a simpler, flatter tax code with lower rates for individuals and businesses to stimulate economic growth. The official party platform expressed opposition to new taxes and aimed to make the bush tax cuts from 2001 and 2003 permanent. Unsurprisingly, it promoted free market policies and reducing government interference to encourage economic growth and entrepreneurship, particularly supporting small businesses. Trump’s economic ideas similarly reflect those from the 2012 platform, with demonstrably more muscle and enactment. The Trump Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) lowered income tax rates across most brackets, with the top rate dropping from 39.6% to 37%. The standard deduction nearly doubled (e.g., $12,000 to $24,000 for married couples), benefiting about 70% of taxpayers who take it over itemizing. The Tax Policy Center estimated 65% of households saw tax cuts in 2018, averaging $1,600, though benefits skewed toward higher earners. Government reform Similar to the party platform from 2024, the 2012 platform called for rolling back excessive regulations, particularly those from the Obama administration and appointing judges who adhere to constitutional originals. It called for reducing the size and scope of the federal government, returning power to states and individuals. It advocated for eliminating wasteful programs and reforming. Sound familiar? If so, that’s because many Americans voted on this very issue in support of what is now the Department of Government Efficiency instituted under Trump. National defense and foreign policy The 2012 platform, similar to Trump’s agenda, called for maintaining a robust national defense, modernizing the military, and ensuring adequate funding. It opposed budget cuts and advocated for American exceptionalism, supporting allies like Israel and confronting adversaries like Iran. It also promoted democracy abroad, which is a departure from Trump’s platform which advocated for “no new wars” and a strong opposition to the nation-building ways of the Republicans of 2012. Social issues While many Republicans take issue with the novel “big tent” personality of the party present day, it’s undeniable that on one particular traditional issue, abortion, Trump has done more to protect the sanctity of life that any other president. The 2012 platform supported a constitutional amendment to protect unborn life and opposed  funding for abortion through organizations like. The 2012 platform also sought a constitutional amendment to define marriage  between one man and one woman. Education In 2012, the party platform, promoted parental choice and education, including charter schools, vouchers, and homeschooling. It opposed federal overreach in education. It also called for reducing federal involvement in student loans and encouraging private sector alternatives and trade schools. One of the 20 policy points in the 2014 MAGA agenda was to, “cut federal funding for any school pushing critical race theory, radical gender ideology, and other inappropriate racial, sexual, or political content on our children.” On March 20, 2025, Trump issued an executive order directing Education Secretary Linda McMahon to take all legally permissible steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and transfer its authority to states and local communities. 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